BYRON CRIDDLE; The French Referendum on the Maastricht Treaty September , Parliamentary Affairs, Volume 46, Issue 2, 1 April The Maastricht Treaty was signed on 7 February by the members of the European Community in Maastricht, Netherlands to further European integration.History · Signing · Ratification · Historical assessment. Representantes de 12 países firmaron el Tratado el 7 de febrero de Alemania, Bélgica, Dinamarca, Francia, España, Grecia, Irlanda.
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To capture the patterns of constitutional change, multi-faceted parameters are explored such as the interrelations between form of government, party system, and constitutional amendment; the interplay between constitutional change tratado de maastricht 1992 the system of constitutionality review; the role of the people, civil society, and experts in constitutional change; and the influence of international and European law and jurisprudence on constitutional reform and evolution.
In the extensive final, comparative chapter, key features of each country's amendment procedures are epitomized and the mechanisms of constitutional change are explained on the basis of introducing five distinct models of tratado de maastricht 1992 change.
The concept of constitutional rigidity is re-approached and broken down to a set of factual and institutional rigidities.
I think that the central government of any sovereign state ought to be striving all the time to determine the optimum overall level of public provision, the correct overall burden of taxation, the correct allocation of total expenditures between competing tratado de maastricht 1992 and the just distribution tratado de maastricht 1992 the tax burden.
It must also determine the tratado de maastricht 1992 to which any gap between expenditure and taxation is financed by making a draft on the central bank and how much it is financed by borrowing and on what terms. The way in which governments decide all these and some other issues, and the quality of leadership which they can deploy, will, in interaction with the decisions of individuals, corporations and foreigners, determine such things as interest rates, the exchange rate, the inflation rate, the growth rate and the unemployment rate.
It will also profoundly influence the distribution of income and wealth not only between individuals but between whole regions, assisting, one hopes, those adversely affected by structural change.
Almost nothing simple can be said about the use of these instruments, with all their inter-dependencies, to promote the well-being of a nation and protect it as well as may be from the shocks of various kinds to which it will inevitably be subjected.
It only has limited meaning, for instance, to say that budgets should always be balanced when a balanced budget with expenditure and taxation both running tratado de maastricht 1992 40 per cent of GDP would have an entirely different and much more expansionary impact than a balanced budget at 10 per cent.
Would it have been right to do nothing at all? It was, after all, by means tratado de maastricht 1992 the inflation tax that Keynes proposed that we should pay for the war.
Engineering Constitutional Change: A Comparative Perspective on Europe - Google Книги
I recite all this to suggest, not that sovereignty should not be given up in the noble cause of European integration, but that if all these functions are renounced by individual governments they simply have to be taken on by some other authority.
The incredible lacuna in the Maastricht programme is that, while it contains a blueprint for the establishment and modus operandi of an independent central bank, there tratado de maastricht 1992 no blueprint whatever of the analogue, in Community terms, of a central government. Yet there would simply have to be a system of institutions which fulfils tratado de maastricht 1992 those functions at a Community level which are at present exercised by the central governments of individual member countries.
The counterpart of giving up sovereignty should be that the component nations are constituted into a federation to whom their sovereignty is entrusted. And the federal tratado de maastricht 1992, or government, as it had better be called, would have to exercise all those functions in relation to its members and to the outside world which I have briefly outlined above.
National Sovereignity and International Organizations - Magdalena M. Martín Martínez - Google Книги
Consider two important examples of what a federal government, in charge of a federal budget, should be doing. European countries are at present locked into a severe recession.
As things stand, particularly as the economies of the USA and Japan are also faltering, it is very unclear when any significant recovery will take place. The political tratado de maastricht 1992 of this are becoming frightening.
Tratado de maastricht 1992 the interdependence of the European economies is already so great that no individual country, with the theoretical exception of Germany, feels able to pursue expansionary policies on its own, because any country that did try to expand on its own would soon encounter a balance-of-payments constraint.
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The present situation is screaming aloud for co-ordinated reflation, but there exist neither the institutions nor an agreed framework of thought which will bring about this obviously desirable result.
It should be frankly recognised that if the depression really were to take a serious turn for the worse — for instance, if the unemployment rate went back permanently to tratado de maastricht 1992 per cent characteristic of the Thirties — individual countries would sooner or later exercise their sovereign right to declare the entire movement towards integration a disaster and resort to exchange controls and tratado de maastricht 1992 — a siege economy if you will.
This would amount to a re-run of the tratado de maastricht 1992 period. Without such an institution, EMU would prevent effective action by individual countries and put nothing in its place.
Another important role which any central government must perform is to put a safety net under the livelihood of component regions which are in distress for structural reasons — because of the decline of some industry, say, or because of some economically-adverse demographic change.
At present this tratado de maastricht 1992 in the natural course of events, without anyone really noticing, because common standards of public provision for instance, health, education, pensions and rates of unemployment benefit and a common it is to be hoped, progressive burden of taxation are both generally instituted throughout individual realms.